From Protest to Power: How Balen Shah Reshaped Nepal’s Political Order

Nepal’s political shift as Balen Shah rises to power after Gen Z protests, two-thirds majority, and a reform agenda that could reshape democracy.

Cover Image Attribute: Nepal's New Prime Minister Balendra Shah (widely known as Balen) / Source: PTI

Nepal's political landscape underwent a profound transformation in September 2025 when Gen Z-led protests erupted following a government ban on social media applications, channeling widespread anger over corruption, unemployment and economic stagnation into street demonstrations that escalated into the storming of federal buildings and violent clashes with police. At least 77 people died, many shot by security forces, prompting the resignation of then-Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and the installation of an interim government headed by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, who pledged to hold fresh parliamentary elections. The unrest set the stage for a generational shift that would culminate less than six months later in the landslide victory of the Rastriya Swatantra Party and the elevation of its prime ministerial candidate, Balendra Shah, widely known as Balen, a 35-year-old structural engineer, former Kathmandu mayor and one-time underground rapper whose songs had captured the frustrations of a disaffected youth. Born in 1990 in Naradevi, Kathmandu, to an Ayurvedic practitioner father and homemaker mother, Shah had entered public consciousness in the early 2010s through rap battles and socially conscious tracks that lambasted elite graft and inequality, including the 2020 hit "Balidan" with its pointed lyrics: "While we sell our identity abroad government employees get 30k salary and have properties in 30 different places. Who will pay the debt of people working seven seas away?" Another composition, "Nepal Haseko," became an anthem during the 2025 protests with verses declaring, "I want to see Nepal smiling, I want to see the hearts of Nepalis dancing. I want to see Nepal smiling, I want to see Nepalis living happily."
Shah's political entry had begun in 2022 when, running as an independent, he won the Kathmandu mayoral election on an anti-corruption platform emphasizing urban cleanup, heritage preservation and the demolition of illegal structures to ease traffic congestion. His tenure drew praise for addressing the capital's garbage crisis and cracking down on unlicensed businesses but also criticism from rights groups and affected communities over the use of police against street vendors and informal settlements. By early 2026 he had joined the four-year-old Rastriya Swatantra Party, founded by former television presenter Rabi Lamichhane, and was declared its prime ministerial candidate. On March 5, 2026, voters delivered a stunning verdict: the party captured 125 of 165 first-past-the-post seats and was projected to hold approximately 182 of the 275 seats in the House of Representatives, securing a near two-thirds majority that shattered the long-standing rotation of power among established parties such as the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and Maoist Centre. Shah himself unseated Oli in the Jhapa 5 constituency by a margin of more than three to one, a result that Oli acknowledged graciously on social media with the message: "Balen Babu, Congratulations to you for the victory! May your five-year tenure be smooth and successful—heartfelt best wishes!" The outcome also signaled the sharp decline of identity-based regional parties, particularly in Madhesh Province, where the Rastriya Swatantra Party swept 30 of 32 first-past-the-post seats. Analysts attributed the shift to Shah's appeal as a leader who transcended ethnic divides, speaking in Maithili during rallies in Janakpur and pledging that federalism's benefits would reach citizens' doorsteps without the need for repeated protests in Kathmandu. Political observer Vijay Kant Karna noted, "It was the Balen factor that galvanised the massive public support," while Tula Narayan Shah declared, "Nepali politics has entered the post-identity politics phase," adding that "the agenda of the marginalised community has once again become the agenda of mainstream and people of Madhesh see in Balen someone who can fulfil their aspirations."
Following the election, the Rastriya Swatantra Party moved swiftly to consolidate its position. On March 26, its central committee unanimously selected Shah as parliamentary party leader during a meeting at the party office in Banasthali, a decision proposed by party chair Lamichhane and endorsed without dissent after newly elected lawmakers had taken their oaths at the Parliament building in Singha Durbar. The move positioned Shah to form the government with the mandate to bypass many legislative obstacles and pursue an ambitious reform agenda. The following day, March 27, he was sworn in as Nepal's prime minister, becoming the youngest elected holder of the office since the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990 and the first from outside the traditional party establishment to command such a commanding parliamentary majority. In a gesture blending his artistic roots with the moment, Shah released a new song on the eve of his swearing-in that quickly amassed millions of views, including lines such as "Undivided Nepali, this time history is being made" and, from an earlier track played during the campaign, the defiant refrain: "Let them talk, I keep moving," "Ma Agadi Sabai Dhalchan," "I am real," and "I rise every time." The inauguration carried heavy symbolic weight for a population where youth make up 42.5 percent, many of whom had driven the previous year's protests and now looked to Shah's government to deliver on promises of systemic change.
Almost immediately, the new administration signaled its intent to act decisively. On March 29, during its first cabinet meeting at Singha Durbar, the government approved a 100-point governance reform agenda that included proposals to ban political party affiliations for civil servants and teachers, abolish partisan trade unions within state institutions, and replace political student unions on campuses with non-partisan Student Councils within 90 days. Proponents argued the measures would enhance administrative efficiency and curb political interference that had long plagued service delivery. Yet the initiatives quickly drew sharp criticism from academics, student leaders and social activists who warned of risks to constitutional rights. Student leader Rajesh observed, "Many people are celebrating and agreeing because all they have seen is student politics causing strikes and disruptions. But what they don’t realise is that this move encroaches on the constitutional right to freedom, the right to freely form unions and associations in Nepal." Social activist Ansuda added, "Unions exist to prevent concentration of power. They exist to fight exploitation... Unions are the only platform where workers can fight back. They hold those in power accountable." Anthropologist Suresh Dhakal cautioned, "If there is a normal problem, we should not destroy the whole system. It’s like beheading yourself just because you have a headache," while Nepal Student Union president Dujang Sherpa warned that any attempt to dissolve such organisations would be "like putting a hand into fire" and would backfire.
Beyond administrative restructuring, the government faced immediate pressure to address unfinished business from the preceding upheaval. The Karki Commission, established by the interim administration to investigate the 2025 protests, submitted its report on March 8, recommending prosecutions that the new leadership appeared poised to pursue, including the arrest of former Prime Minister Oli and other officials linked to the violence. Public demands also mounted for implementation of the commission's findings and for action on longstanding transitional justice issues stemming from the Maoist insurgency era. An editorial published just before the swearing-in had underscored the expectations, stating, "Shah government has no excuse to keep TJ commissions in uncertainty like its predecessors." Broader anticorruption pledges included the formation of a commission to examine the assets of high-level officials and politicians since 1990 and the reopening of stalled high-profile cases. Rastriya Swatantra Party leader Shishir Khanal explained, "We want to form a commission to investigate the assets of high-level officials and reopen high-profile corruption cases that were paused," while another party figure, Bishnu Sapkota, captured the prevailing mood: "There is so much excitement with the heavy mandate. This is a historical and unprecedented opportunity for him to execute his agenda because his party is likely to have close to a two-thirds majority." Yet Sapkota tempered optimism with realism, adding, "Expectations are enormous. I do not think it is realistic for him to fully meet them," citing institutional capacity constraints and stagnant economic growth.
The relationship between Shah and Lamichhane, whose own legal troubles involving fraud allegations and passport issues had previously led to jail time, remained under scrutiny as a potential source of internal tension. Party leaders insisted roles had been clearly delineated—Shah leading the government, Lamichhane the party—with one senior figure noting, "From that perspective, they have their individual role sorted out," and expressing confidence that collaboration during the campaign would prevent friction. Political science professor Gehendra Lal Malla described their partnership as "a marriage of convenience," observing that "Balen needed a party to contest the election, and Rabi needed Balen’s popularity," but urged adherence to the rule of law. Analysts highlighted Shah's relative freedom from traditional party baggage as an advantage for rapid decision-making during an initial "honeymoon period," as Khanal termed the first 100 days, yet warned that delivering visible change would test the administration's capacity. Kathmandu-based author Hari Bahadur Thapa remarked, "Balen Shah does not have the experience of government operation and lacks the complex knowledge of running the state," while a voter named Susil Singh voiced the hopes of many: "He asked us for our support and we gave him our votes. Now he is going to bring the country back on track."
With the beginning of the Balen era, Nepal confronts a rare convergence of opportunity and risk. The overwhelming mandate offers a pathway to fast-track legislation on job creation, judicial reform and infrastructure, yet the same majority that insulates the government from parliamentary opposition heightens expectations from a restless youth cohort accustomed to holding leaders accountable through social media and street action. Gen Z activist Yujan Rajbhandari warned that "with the RSP’s large majority, parliamentary opposition will be weak... So the streets will play a major role as opposition." Questions linger over diplomatic sensitivities, given Shah's past social media remarks toward neighbors and his limited experience in national governance. For a country that has cycled through 33 governments since 1990, often undermined by coalition instability and leadership rivalries, the arrival of a youthful outsider with a two-thirds majority represents both a break from history and a high-stakes experiment in whether decisive authority can translate into lasting stability and prosperity. The coming months will determine whether Shah's administration can convert electoral triumph into tangible governance reforms or whether the weight of public anticipation and entrenched institutional challenges will test the limits of this new political era.
With reporting by Al Jazeera, Associated Press, BBC, Kathmandu Post, The Print, The Statesman, and Time.

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