By Amrita Jash Introduction : The twenty-first century is witnessing a change in the global political architecture where the b...
By Amrita Jash
Introduction :
The twenty-first century is witnessing a change in the global political
architecture where the balance of power is shifting from the west to the
east. With this systemic change, the two most dominant players that are
emerging strong in the international arena are- India and China. The two
most populous nations and Asian civilizational powers, which are
estimated to become the largest economies of the world by 2050 are
increasingly rising by asserting their global profiles. In this strategic shift
of power, it is in all likelihood that the twenty-first century as mostly
debated will be the 'Asian Century'. Whereby, the contours of this Asian
century will be mainly drawn by the behavioral dynamics of India and
China. And most importantly, by the bilateral relationship between the
two long standing Asian powers which is observed to be the most
important relationship of the present times having an impact on the
discourse of future global politics. According to the United States
National Intelligence Council Report titled ―Mapping the Global Future by 2020, the global architecture will envision- ―[t]he likely emergence of
China and India as new major global players - similar to Germany in the
19th century and the United States in the early 20th century – will
transform the geopolitical landscape, with impacts potentially as
dramatic as those of the previous two centuries. In the same way as
commentators refer to the 1900s as the ―American Century, the early
21st century may be seen as the time when some in the developing world,
led by China and India, come into their own.
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With this assessment, it leaves no doubt that emerging India and China
will draft the future trajectory of global politics. As rising global powers,
both India and China have committed themselves to promote peace,
stability and development in the current international system. Having
significant implications, the bilateral relationship has captured
world wide attention whereby the global apprehension lies in
understanding the manner in which the credible partnership between
India and China will nurture and sustain in order to serve mutual
benefits and bolster global aspirations. In this view, Chinese Premier
Wen Jiabao in one of his meetings with the Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh, is reported to have remarked: ―When we shake hands,
the whole world will be watching.
In this context, it becomes imperative to understand the changing
dynamics of India‘s policy towards its eastern neighbor China. From the
dominant perspective, it is clear that India‘s foreign policy towards China
over the years have lacked coherence in terms of having a definite vision.
It has predominantly been shaped by short term goals without any
strategic approach and has been implicated by domestic political
constraints and a limited lens of mutual distrust which has gravely
curtailed the potential of the relationship. Having this view, with the
current shifts in the balance of power as complemented by a 'China Rise' it becomes imperative for India to diversify its foreign policy objectives
towards China in order to maximize the payoffs which is deemed to have
significant implications on the relationship as a whole.
In this view, understanding the systemic realities,India‘s foreign policy
towards China is seen to have changed from conforming to the existing
continuities to that of changing the course of diplomatic choices. The
change is noted in terms of adopting a political vision over the
longstanding factors of bureaucratic expertise and military demands.
With a common interest to rebuild the relations, both India and China
have succeeded in laying a constructive path of development beyond the shadow of the past. Premised on an increased high-level interaction and
multilateral engagements, India and China have opened new chapter in
their relations owing to a common vision of peace and prosperity. Of
which, the most important landmark has been set by the "Modi-Xi' cordials- which has changed the relational dynamics, whereby,
engagement has become the command of politics. With this strategic
shift, India‘s foreign policy towards China has taken a new path as the
longstanding dilemmas are now being transformed with a proactive
policy framework. In this positive atmospheric, it is important for India to
redefine its relationship with China, which will shape the contours of its
future foreign policy. Having a proactive approach with a long term
measured foreign policy will fetch greater payoffs for the bilateral
relations between the two countries, who are the dominant players of the
twenty-first century.Therefore, it is imperative for India to shift its China
policy from the rubrics of the dogmatic security dilemma to that of
pragmatic proactive engagement.
India’s Foreign Policy: Taking a new path of Proactive Diplomacy
India‘s foreign policy has traditionally been guided by the theorem of
―three concentric circles.The first circle, which encompasses the
immediate neighborhood, India has sought primacy and a veto over the
actions of outside powers. For example, India‘s big brother policy in
South Asia, where the balance of power is dominated by India. In the
second, which encompasses the so-called extended neighborhood
stretching across Asia and the Indian Ocean littoral, India has sought to
balance the influence of other powers and prevent them from
undercutting its interests. For example, India‘s 'Look East Policy', which
is now mainly aimed at balancing China. In the third concentric, which
includes the entire global stage, India has tried to take its place as one of
the great powers, a key player in international peace and security. This
can be understood in terms of India‘s role in various multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, SAARC, BRICS, BISA, SCO and
others.
Following these three thumb rules, India‘s grand strategy adopted a
restricted approach which historically prevented it from realizing the
strategic goals in an absolute manner. Hence, with the end of the Cold
War, India‘s foreign policy had to undergo a reinvention in order to meet
the strategic shifts in the international system as witnessed in making a
way to economic liberalization from state socialism, to that of shifting its
strategic focus beyond its immediate neighbors and engaging with them
and most importantly, facing a rising China. Thereby, India drifted from
its isolationist policy of Non-Alignment and took the road of a pragmatic
policy of engagement.
Therefore, India‘s foreign policy has taken a more proactive posture from
its long standing passivity. In acknowledging this significant shift, C.
Raja Mohan states that, ―After more than a half century of false starts
and unrealized potential, India is now emerging as the swing state in the
global balance of power. In the coming years, it will have an opportunity
to shape outcomes on the most critical issues of the twenty-first century:
the construction of Asian stability, the political modernization of the
greater Middle East, and the management of globalization. Hence, what
India‘s policy needs to adopt is an active posture in order to elevate its
global profile as a dominant player in the international stage.
The Changing Pattern of India’s China Policy: Road to an
Incremental Engagement
India‘s China policy has undergone dramatic changes over the six
decades of diplomatic relations. As over the years it has been shaped by
the complex inter plays of various factors, such as- historical ties,
geographical proximity, experiences of the past and present needs,
varying perceptions of the political elites and their ideological standpoint.
In addition, to these critical factors are the influences from the international forces in terms of the changing balance of power in the
international system as well as the regional power nexus. Thereby, these
parameters act as the drivers behind the national interests that frame
India‘s China Policy. In this view, despite being India‘s biggest neighbor,
China has predominantly received only episodic attention from the
Indian government and its people. India‘s China policy has mainly been
rooted in suspicion and miss-perception, unable to adopt a strategic view.
That is, India‘s China policy lacked a competent and visionary political
direction. This can be assessed from the eventual growth of the
relationship.
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| Zhou Enlai and Nehru at Bandung Conference in Indonesia , Circa 1955 |
India and China established their diplomatic relations on April 1, 1950.
India was the first non-socialist country to recognize the People‘s
Republic of China (PRC) and since then the relationship has evolved over
the years with the periodic ups and downs. v In the initial years from
1950-1958, India-China relations is said to have been in the 'honeymoon
phase', where the relationship was defined by the slogan 'Hindi-Chini
Bhai Bhai'. In 1954, both India and China gave a legal foundation to
their new nation-to-nation relations with 'Panchsheel' as the framework
for relations between the two countries. Whereby, the Indian Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai exchanged
visits and jointly put forth the famous ―Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence to live and prosper together in peace and harmony.
India-China diplomatic relations witnessed a severe low in 1959 with the
Tibetan uprising and the flight of Dalai Lama to India. This led to a
distrust in the relations resulting into territorial tensions of sovereignty
over the McMahon Line. In 1962, the territorial tensions escalated into a
border war- in which the two neighbours fought along the eastern and
western sectors of their Himalayan border, thereby, culminating into a
deadlock in the diplomatic ties. In 1976, the relations were gradually
restored with then Indian External Affairs Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee‘s path breaking visit to China, which led the foundation for the renewal of contacts at the highest political level after a gap of two
decades. In 1988, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi‘s pragmatic visit to
China, marked the landmark in the renewal process of the 26 years of
frozen bilateral ties, activated by hostility and armed tension. This event
brought a major turning point in India-China relations, as they entered
into a ―new beginning aimed at an overall restoration and development
of the relations. In this light of a gradually improved India-China
relations, a minor setback in the ties was brought with India‘s 1998
nuclear tests- as it was justified by references to the 'Chinese threat'.
With the coming of the twenty-first century, India-China, witnessed a
new high with rapid development in the relations and embarking into a
―Strategic and Cooperative Partnership in 2005, thereby, getting the 'trust factor' back in the relationship.
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| Joint Indian Army - PLA Counter-Terrorist Training Operation |
With these rise and fall of events, India‘s relations with its East Asian
neighbor- China has evolved over the years in the continuum of
friendship, enmity, rivalry and engagement. With the resurgence of the
diplomatic ties, both India and China have crafted a durable framework
to manage their border dispute and cooperate in areas of mutual
interest within the confines of a cold peace -thereby, building a greater
political and economic engagement between the two countries. Thus,
evaluating the growth of India-China relations, it can be assessed as Alka
Acharya states: ―There is little doubt that India and China are moving on
the path of normalization of relations – albeit, not quite with fluidity and
ease. At best they have acquired a fair degree of political comfort, at
worst, they are merely conflict-free, though suspicion-prone. In an overall assessment, it can be said that the current phase of India‘s
China policy is embroiled in the ―contradiction of the 'push' and 'pull' factors- …. [which is regulated by the] - 'pulling together' [of] economic
trade and cooperation on the one hand and persisting 'pushing apart' by
high levels of political mistrust and suspicion on the other.
Modi-Xi Factor in India’s China Policy: Greater Cooperation over
Competition:
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| Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi at Sabarmati Ashram, Ahmedabad |
In the current dynamics, India‘s foreign policy towards China has paved
a new path. This has been oriented by the change of political leadership
in India in May 2014. This political transition has given a new dynamism
to India‘s relations with China, with an added Chinese interest to
earnestly engage with the newly formed Narendra Modi Government.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi‘s two-day high-level visit to New Delhi
on June 8-9 as President Xi Jinping‘s special envoy is indicative of
China‘s proactive engagement with the new government.
India‘s proactive diplomacy towards China is witnessed in terms of
India‘s departure from its erstwhile dogmatic position and reaching out
to befriend China, negating the less accommodating posture towards
Beijing. Here, India‘s China policy focuses on greater engagement than
restrictions. The most important landmark to this proactive engagement
has been brought by Chinese President Xi Jinping‘s maiden visit to India
from 17-19 September 2014. The historic Modi-Xi interaction opened a
new chapter in the India-China relations of the twenty-first century as
witnessed in Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi‘s iconic visit to China in
1988- setting the threshold of a new beginning. India‘s departure from a
reactive foreign policy is visible in the way the diplomatic interaction
emerged above the situational complexities of military stand-off at the
Chumar and Demchok sectors of Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control
(LAC), which failed to pose a deadlock to the bonhomie. Rather politics
and economics were met with pragmatism.
The new spirit of reviving the friendship from the vestiges of the past
deadlocks is clearly outlined in the Joint Statement as issued by India
and China over Xi Jinping‘s visit, which strongly stated that:―[A]s two
large developing and emerging economies, their developmental goals are
interlinked and should be pursued in a mutually supportive manner.
Recognizing that their respective growth processes are mutually reinforcing, they agreed to leverage mutual complementary and build
a closer developmental partnership. The leaders agreed to make this
developmental partnership a core component of the Strategic and
Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity. This developmental
partnership is conducive not only to the common interests of both sides,
but also to stability and prosperity of the region and the world.
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| Indo-China Border, Sikkim / PHOTO COURTESY : TIBETAN REVIEW |
The significance of this high-level interaction can be understood in terms
of the greater 'opening up' between India and China both economically,
politically and socially.x This is clearly reflected in the signing of 16
significant agreements. Of which, the most important is that of China‘s
investment of 20 billion USD in India over the next five years in
infrastructure and manufacturing sectors, setting up of two industrial
parks and to upgrade India‘s railway system with high-speed links and
assigning of ―Strategic Economic Dialogue‖ to further the economic
cooperation in areas of energy, environment, urbanization and others.
There is also a regional dynamic, where the emphasis have been laid on establishing a provincial partnership between Gujarat and Guangdong
Province and Sister-City relationships between Mumbai-Shanghai and
Ahmedabad-Guangzhou. While on the border issue, both sides
maintained the consensus of upholding the sanctity of the 2005
Agreement on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the
Settlement of the Boundary Question. As the Joint Statement posited:
―Peace and tranquility on the India-China border areas [is] as an
important guarantor for the development and continued growth of
bilateral relations. Pending a final resolution of the boundary question,
the two sides would continue to make joint efforts to maintain peace and
tranquility in the border areas.
In the social sphere, both parties have proposed to widen the
engagement of people-to-people contact and art and cultural exchanges
(Buddhist Art, language, social media-movies, television and others) and
most importantly, opening up a new route to ―Kailash Manasarovar
FPRC Journal 2015 (1) India’s neighborhood policy-post 2014
129
Yatra (for pilgrimage from both sides), through the Nathula Pass in the
Indain state of Sikkim. And at the global level, the leaders affirmed
cooperation on ―zero tolerance to terrorism‖ to that of integration in
space technology, cooperation in civil nuclear energy and above all, a
shared interest to play vital roles- India in SCO and China in SAARC.
Therefore, from the above reflections it is clear that India‘s new China
policy focuses on greater engagement with China, exhibiting a departure
from the dilemmas of the past. As after a long era of ad-hoc, reactive,
weak-kneed diplomacy, this new clarity and vision represent a welcome
change for India, where pragmatism has become the hallmark of
diplomacy. The iconic high-level interaction between the leadership of
both sides has opened a new phase where cooperation over tension has
taken the command in politics and diplomacy. And that India‘s China
policy has risen above the proxies of bureaucrats and military, advancing
a new line of thinking.
India’s Road Ahead with China:
India‘s foreign policy towards China needs to adopt a sustainable and
effective framework which goes beyond the issues of physical security
and rather takes into perspective the political interests which has a
binding on the economic and social growth of the bilateral relationship.
This can be done by tapping the potential of commonalities between the
two countries. That is, they can converge as- both are growing
economies, a large section of their populations have poor living
conditions and they are similar in regard to labour standards, issues of
food security, migration, energy security, commodity prices, climate
change, World Trade Organization (W.T.O) negotiations and others. Owing
to these common interests, the political elites of both India and China
would find more grounds for cooperation.
In this regard, in terms of high-level political and economic interaction,
India‘s China policy should encourage greater engagement in terms of calibrating the US factor in the relationship, cooperating in sub-regional
level and in areas of non-traditional security concerns, developing nonrenewable
energy resources, and adopting a comprehensive
interdependence. Apart from these objectives, India‘s China policy
should also largely emphasize on people to-people contact by means of
scholarly exchanges, cultural exchanges, educational exchanges, funding
of academic researches and contributions to joint military exercises. All
these factors would act as strong confidence building measures and
thereby, narrow down the differences that limit the holistic growth of the
bilateral relations.
Conclusion:
Given the strategic shifts in the international domain, it is not pragmatic
for India to adopt a confrontational posture towards China in achieving
its global aspirations. Rather India needs an institutionalized
configuration to deepen its relationship with China in a constructive,
credible and sustainable way. The policy towards China should adopt a
multidimensional framework rather than perceiving it through the
unidirectional lens of competitive rivalry. Thereby, for India the best
policy choice towards China needs a proactive diplomacy based on
pragmatic engagement rather than disengagement, making it a global
partnership of the twenty-first century. That is to say, India‘s China
policy needs to adopt a comprehensive, long term framework bestowed
with a concrete strategic vision.
This white-paper was first published at FPRC Journal 2015(1), India's Neighbourhood Policy Post-2014, pp. 121-131, ISSN 2277-2464
End Notes:
i. ―Globalization and Future Architectures: Mapping the Global
Future Project 2020, Report of a Conference on 6 June 2005,
Chatham House London, pp. 13,
https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/p
ublic/Research/International%20Security/r2020.pdf
(Accessed October 7, 2014).
ii. Quoted in Harsh Pant, ―Indian Foreign Policy and China‖,
Strategic Analysis, Vol. 30, No. 4, October-December 2006, p.
761.
iii. C. Raja Mohan, ―India and the Balance of Power‖, Foreign
Affairs, Vol. 85, No. 4, July/August 2006, pp. 17.
iv. Ibid.
v. Sita Gopalan, ―India‘s China Policy‖, Strategic Analysis, March
1992, pp. 1401-1402
vi. The ―Five Principles of Co-existence‖ are- (i) Mutual respect for
each other‘s territorial integrity and sovereignty, (ii) Mutual
non-aggression, (iii) Mutual non-interference, (iv) Equality and
mutual benefit and, (v) Peaceful co-existence.
vii. Alka Acharya, ―India-China Relations: A Partnership of ‗Global
Significance‘,‖ Economic and Political Weekly, December 2,
2006, pp. 4934
viii. Alka Acharya, China and India: Politics of Incremental
Engagement, Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi, 2008, pp.
161.
ix. ―Joint Statement between the Republic of India and the
People‘s Republic of China on Building a Closer
Developmental Partnership‖, Ministry of External Affairs,
Government of India, September 19, 2014,
http://www.mea.gov.in/bilateraldocuments.htm?dtl/24022/J
oint+Statement+between+the+Republic+of+India+and+the+Pe
oples+Republic+of+China+on+Building+a+Closer+Developmen
tal+Partnership (Accessed October 7, 2014).
x. Amrita Jash, ―Modi-Xi Cordiale Entente Cordiale: A new
‗Honeymoon Phase‘ in India-China Relations‖, China Focus,
September 30, 2014,
http://chinafocus.us/2014/09/30/modi-xi-entente-cordialenew-honeymoon-phase-india-china-relations/
(Accessed
October 7, 2014).For further details see the ―Joint Statement
xi. Brahma Chellaney, ―Narendra Modi‘s Imprint on Foreign
Policy‖, Live Mint, September 2, 2014,
http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/Rx9Waq6uNG6yHJaSJMu
rTL/Narendra-Modis-imprint-on-foreign policy.html (Accessed
October 7, 2014).
xii. See Jabin T. Jacob, ―India‘s China Policy: Time to Overcome
Political Drift‖, RSIS Paper, June 2012, pp. 5-7.
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